bomoa bomoa yatinga mahakama ya ndizi manzese kwa ajili ya kupisha upanuaji wa bara bara ya Morogoro Road kwa ajili ya magari yaendayo kwa kasi .....
Wednesday, March 2, 2011
Waziri Sitta arusha tena kombora Serikalini
WAZIRI wa Ushirikiano wa Afrika Mashariki, Samuel Sitta amesema hasara ambazo taifa limepata kutokana na mikataba mibovu ni matokeo ya kasoro zilizopo katika mfumo wa utoaji wa elimu nchini.Sitta alisema hayo juzi usiku kwenye Sherehe za Maadhimisho ya miaka 10 ya Shirika la HakiElimu zilizofanyika jijini Dar es Salaam.
Alisema kasoro hizo zimesababisha mfumo huo wa elimu nchini kuzalisha watendaji mafisadi, wasiokuwa na maadili katika utendaji.Sitta alisema sekta ya elimu ni kama imepewa kisogo, kiasi kwamba hakuna uwiano wa kiutendaji wa watu wanaohitimu mafunzo mbalimbali ikilinganishwa na vyeti vyao vinavyoonyesha kwamba walifanya vizuri darasani."Tumeshuhudia miaka 10 iliyopita, serikali imeingia hasara kutokana na baadhi ya viongozi kukosa uadilifu, wakaliingizia hasara taifa kwa kusaini mikataba feki," alisema Sitta na kuongeza:"... Hayo yote ni kwa sababu ya kuipa kisogo sekta ya elimu. Hii inatoa viongozi wasiojiamini na wanaokosa maadili." Hii ni mara ya pili kwa Sitta kuikosoa serikali ambayo yeye ni mmoja wa mawaziri wake. Moja ya mambo ambayo Sitta amewahi kuipingana na serikali ni malipo ya fidia kwa Kampuni ya kufua umeme ya Dowans Tanzania Ltd.Sitta ambaye ni Mbunge wa Urambo Mashariki (CCM), alitaka serikali isiilipe fidia ya Sh94 bilioni kwa kampuni hiyo akieleza kuwa kufanya hivyo ni sawa na kuhujumu uchumi wa nchi.
Katika hotuba yake juzi, Sitta alisema serikali inawajibika kuhakikisha inawekeza katika sekta ya elimu ili kuwaandaa viongozi wenye nidhamu na maadili."Tunataka viongozi wajiamini wakiwa kazini na waweze kutetea maslahi ya nchi, vinginevyo nchi itaendelea kuzalisha viongozi wajanja wajanja na wahuni tu," alisema. Waziri Sitta alitaka Shirika la HakiElimu kuendelea kusema ukweli na kufichua mambo yanayodidimiza elimu kwa maslahi ya watu wachache wenye nia mbaya.Alisema kwa bahati nzuri kwa sasa yupo serikalini na kuahidi kuwa balozi wa HakiElimu na kuwatetea pale watakapobezwa na kutishwa na baadhi ya watu wenye nia mbaya wanapoeleza ukweli.“Napenda kuwaambia kwamba nitakuwa balozi wenu na kuwaunga mkono na nitaendelea kuwa pamoja na nyie hadi tuhakikishe tunaleta maendeleo katika sekta ya elimu mchango wenu ni mkubwa sana,”alisema Sitta.Serikali ya Awamu ya Tatu ilitishia kuifungia HakiElimu na kuionya kuacha kutumia matangazo yake katika vyombo vya habari, kueneza chuki miongoni mwa watoto na vijana nchini. Matangazo ya HakiElimu ambayo yaliiudhi serikali ni pamoja na lile serikali kueleza kuwa uchumi unapanda wakati hali ya wananchi bado duni. Jingine ni lile lililoonyesha matatizo sugu ya walimu wanaofanyia kazi maeneo ya vijijini. Tangazo hilo lilimuonyesha mwalimu akitumia siku mbili kufuata mshahara mjini.
Akitumia baskeli lakini anapofika benki anakuta mshahara bado haujaingizwa.Waziri Sitta ambaye alikuwa Spika katika Bunge la Tisa, alisema kila mtu anatambua mchango na umuhimu wa HakiElimu tangu kuanzishwa kwake mwaka 2001, hivyo hakuna haja ya shirika hilo kuogopa kusema ukweli katika harakati za kuboresha elimu nchini.“Ukweli ni kwamba katika nchi zilizoridhia makubaliano ya Dira ya Elimu ya mwaka 2015 na katika Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki tuna nchi tano, lakini Tanzania ni ya mwisho kielimu. Hali hii inatishia uhai wa nchi,” alisema Sitta.Alisema kuwa elimu bora inaweza kumbadili mtu kitabia na kiuchumi na hivyo kumfanya ajiamini.Hata hivyo, Waziri Sitta alisema tofauti na ukweli huo, sasa umaskini hasa kwa watu wa hali ya chini nchini, unazidi kuongezeka huku baadhi ya viongozi wasiokuwa na maadili wakiendelea kulipeleka taifa kusikokuwa na mwelekeo. Waziri Sitta alifafanua kuwa mtu hapimwi kwa ufaulu wa mitihani na shahada alizonazo, bali anapimwa kutokana na utendaji wake na maadili mema kazini na kuwa mstari wa mbele katika kulinda maslahi ya taifa.“Kiongozi hapimwi kwa shahada, vyeti wala kiwango cha ufaulu wa mitihani yake, maana Tanzania ina viongozi wengi wenye shahada na vyeti kibao, lakini wanayofanya viongozi hao wenye shahada, wote tunayajua,” alisema.Awali, akizungumza katika hafla hiyo, Mwenyekiti wa Bodi ya HakiElimu Joaquine De-Mello alisema hadi wanapoadhimisha miaka hiyo kumi tangu kuanzishwa kwa shirika hilo, Hakielimu imepitia changamoto nyingi ikiwamo vitisho wanapojaribu kueleza ukweli.“Tumepitia milima na mabonde maana siku zote mtu anayeeleza ukweli anaonekana ni mchochezi, lakini baadhi ya watu wametambua mchango wa HakiElimu na baadhi yao hadi sasa hawatambui mchango wetu katika harakati za kuleta maendeleo ya elimu nchini,” alisema De-Mello.
Alizitaja changamoto nyingine inazoikabili HakiElimu kuwa ni upatikanaji wa taarifa katika taasisi zinazosimamiwa na serikali.Alisema baadhi ya watendaji katika taasisi hizo, hawataki kueleza ukweli wakidhani HakiElimu inataka kupotosha jamii."Sisi lengo letu siyo kupotosha, tunataka kuielimisha jamii na kuleta mabadiliko katika sekta ya elimu na wanafunzi kupata elimu yenye manufaa na kumwezesha kujiajiri na kuajiriwa," alisema.De-Mello alitaja kikwazo kingine cha maendeleo ya elimu nchini kuwa ni baadhi ya viongozi kutaka kuchanganya elimu na siasa…"Hii ni hatari katika maendeleo ya elimu ambayo ndiyo mhimili wa kila jambo duniani."
Tuesday, March 1, 2011
Taarufa Kwa Vyombo Vya Habari - Rais Kikwete Kushiriki Mkutano wa EITI Paris, Ufaransa
Rais Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete anatarajiwa kutoa mada juu ya umuhimu wa shughuli za uziduaji na uwazi katika mapato ya madini katika mkutano wa Kimataifa wa Tasnia ya Uziduaji, (Global Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative -EITI), ambayo ina malengo ya kuongeza uwazi na uwajibikaji katika mapato yatokanayo na uchimbaji wa madini, mafuta na gesi asilia.
Mkutano huo wa siku mbili unaanza kesho, Jumanne, Machi 2, 2011 jijini Paris, Ufaransa, na Rais Kikwete anaondoka nchini leo asubuhi kwenda kuhudhuria mkutano huo.
Tanzania iliomba na kupewa uanachama wa muda wa EITI tangu mwaka 2009. Tanzania itaweza kupata uanachama kamili baada ya kuwa imekamilisha na kutimiza vigezo vya kuwa mwanachama kamili na kuweka misingi ya utoaji taarifa hizo muhimu kwa umma juu ya malipo ya kodi kutoka makampuni mbalimbali yaliyopo nchini.
Lengo kuu la kujiunga na EITI ni kuongeza uwazi na uwajibikaji katika usimamizi wa rasilimali za madini, mafuta na gesi asilia kwa kutangaza hadharani malipo yanayotokana na rasilimali zake kwa manufaa ya wananchi wake.
Utaratibu huu utaweka uwazi na kuondoa usiri ambao unaweza kuwa mwanya wa kuficha mapato halisi ya makampuni husika.
Baada ya kumaliza mkutano huo wa Paris, Ufaransa, Rais Kikwete atasafiri kwenda moja kwa moja Nouakchott, Mauritania kwa ajili ya kikao cha marais wa Afrika wanaotafuta suluhisho la tatizo la kisiasa katika Ivory Coast.
Katika Mauritania, Rais Kikwete atajiunga na marais wa Mauritania, Afrika Kusini, Burkina Faso, Chad, Nigeria na Equatorial Guinea pamoja na wawakilishi wa Jumuia ya Uchumi ya Afrika Magharibi (ECOWAS), Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Umoja wa Afrika (AU) Balozi Jean Ping na Mwakilishi wa Umoja wa Mataifa (UN).
Katika kikao hicho, viongozi hao watafikia uamuzi wa AU kuhusu mzozo huo na kupendekeza namna gani ya kuutatua mzozo huo uliolipuka kufuatia raundi ya pili ya upigaji kura katika Uchaguzi Mkuu wa Ivory Coast Novemba 28, mwaka jana, 2010.
Matokeo yake, nchi hiyo imegawanyika katika sehemu mbili, moja ikimuunga mkono aliyekuwa waziri mkuu wa nchi hiyo, Mheshimiwa Alassane Quattara na nyingine ikimuunga mkono Rais aliyekuwa anatetea kiti chake katika uchaguzi huo, Mheshimiwa Laurent Gbagbo.
Kila mmoja kati ya wanasiasa hao amejitangaza kuwa Rais na kila mmoja ameunda na kutangaza Serikali katika nchi hiyo ya Afrika Magharibi.
Wiki iliyopita, viongozi hao wa Afrika walikutana mjini Nouakchott na baadaye wakaenda Abidjan, Ivory Coast ambako walikutana na viongozi hao wawili nchini humo katika jaribio la kutafuta suluhisho la mzozo huo.
Speech by Štefan Füle, European Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy, on the recent events in North Africa at the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), European Parliament
Mr President, Honourable Members,
The events unfolding in North Africa and other parts of the Arab world are of historic proportions. We are witnessing a sea change in the internal dynamics of this region. What has happened over the last weeks will have profound and lasting consequences not only for the people and the countries of the region but also for the rest of the world, in particular Europe.
The toppling of former Presidents Ben Ali and Mubarak by peaceful protests mostly led by young people will remain in history as a symbol of the revival of the Arab world. For several generations, there has been a pervasive feeling of powerlessness in these countries, an alleged and, frankly, rather offensive "Arab exception" towards democracy, and a deep sense of despair watching change, freedom, modernity happening all over the planet.
This has changed irreversibly. Irrespective of any domino effect, it is now clear that all countries in the region, and all authoritarian regimes elsewhere, have to pay much more attention to the democratic aspirations and well-being of their populations.
We should welcome these changes whole-heartedly. They carry the hope of a better life for the people of the region and greater respect for human rights, pluralism, social justice and the fundamental freedoms which are at the core of our values.
Europe has a vital interest in a democratic, stable, prosperous, peaceful North Africa in its immediate neighbourhood. Europe must and will rise to the challenge of supporting democratic transition in North Africa, as it did after the revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989.
Before moving to our response, I would like to say three words of caution.
First, we must show humility about the past. Europe was not vocal enough in defending human rights and local democratic forces in the region. Too many of us fell prey to the assumption that authoritarian regimes were a guarantee of stability in the region. This was not even Realpolitik. It was, at best, short-termism -and the kind of short-termism that makes the long term ever more difficult to build.
I am not saying that everything we did was wrong, rather that Europe, at this particular moment more than ever before, must be faithful to its values and stand on the side of democracy and social justice. The crowds in the streets of Tunis, Cairo and elsewhere have been fighting in the name of our shared values. It is with them, and for them, that we must work today -not with dictators who are, as we speak, spilling the blood of their own people with utter disregard for human life.
Second, we must avoid at all cost a blanket approach to all our Arab and North African neighbours. The uprisings in the region have many causes in common: authoritarian regimes, paralysed political systems, a lack of employment for young graduates, violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. However, each of these countries is different and we will have to adapt our policies accordingly.
We cannot have the same approach towards Tunisia, a small country with a rather homogenous population, a strong middle class and long-standing links with Europe, or towards Libya where tribal links remain highly prevalent: any transition there will therefore have to reflect this element of the social fabric while ensuring inclusiveness.
Third, while we should and will focus on the short-term negative consequences of the changes in the region, we should not lose sight of our long-term interests. Yes, there may be rising irregular migration flows originating from Tunisia, Libya and, to some extent, from Egypt. Yes, there will be a certain political vacuum in the newly democratising countries, including an increased visibility of Islamist parties and, at least in some of them, a worry that they may not want to play by the rules of democracy. Yes, there may be rising oil prices, lost investments and business. Yes, there may be potential civil war and instability in Libya. We know that the forces of change that have been unleashed will not produce stable political systems overnight. Yet, we must weather these risks without losing sight of our long-term common objective: a democratic, stable, prosperous and peaceful North Africa.
So what do we intend to do to contribute to change in the region?
Our first priority is to ensure the success of the democratic transitions in Tunisia and Egypt.
Under the leadership of Catherine Ashton, we have set up task forces to prepare comprehensive support packages for Tunisia and Egypt. We have consulted widely, including Members of this House, academics and non-governmental organisations, and listened to their views on the priorities for these packages. We are currently seeking the inputs of EU Member States. The initial results of our work were discussed at last Monday's Foreign Affairs Council and will be on the agenda of the upcoming March European Council.
In Tunisia, we have announced an immediate assistance package of €17 million for immediate and short-term support to the democratic transition and assistance to inland impoverished areas. This entails support for the preparation of democratic elections and for NGOs, which is crucial for the consolidation of the democratic process. We are also supporting the work of the three commissions established in January, for which teams of experts are already on the ground.
These are only first and modest steps. We are now reviewing our existing co-operation programmes with a view to better taking into account the needs of the new emerging Tunisia. We are also ready to resume negotiations on the strengthening of bilateral relations with Tunisia ("statut avancé"). We hope to be able to conclude these after the upcoming elections, with a democratically elected government. We still need more thorough discussions with the Tunisians on what they need and how we can most efficiently provide our support.
For Egypt, it is still premature to announce a support package for democratic transformation. The Egyptian authorities have engaged in internal discussions on how the international community can be best supporting the democratic transformation and socio-economic needs.
As HR/VP Ashton announced in her visit to Cairo last week, the EU is ready to help as soon as Egypt is ready. We will not dictate outcomes. We will not impose solutions. This is a country where we already have comprehensive programmes supporting socio-economic reforms and human rights, good governance and democratisation. We can go much farther in the new political environment but they constitute a good basis to build on.
Based on collective demands emanating not only from the interim leadership but also from opposition parties, civil society and youth, we will revise, review and adapt our on-going support to optimise our response to Egypt's democratic transformation and to increased socio-economic justice.
Catherine Ashton and I told the Council that we believe the EU should assume leadership in coordinating the international community's response to the historic events in Tunisia and Egypt. We need to avoid overlap and maximise collective impact. This will require strengthening co-ordination within the EU, particularly with and among Member States, as well as with our main international partners. This is why we organised last week a conference in Brussels with key international institutions and actors such as the World Bank, the European Investment Bank or the Council of Europe, to mobilise all possible instruments in support of the democratic transition of these two countries. We intend to have later on a Ministerial conference. In parallel, we will support the international conference to be organised by the Tunisian authorities in Carthage, most probably in March.
These steps of immediate support to Tunisia and Egypt are essential but they should only be part of our response. It is crystal clear to us that we need to reflect on our entire approach towards the Southern Mediterranean and seek to adapt all our policies and instruments to what is happening in the region.
There is, of course, a strong link with the ongoing review of the European Neighbourhood Policy, on which I have addressed this Committee several times and I will not expand now. The Commission held an orientation debate on the ENP last week to prepare our work for the Communication on 20 April. I trust you will find in our new approach the level of ambition and commitment that you have consistently called for, particularly as regards stronger partnership with societies, greater differentiation, and being ready to go farther with our neighbours implementing ambitious political and economic reforms.
We see, however, a need for faster and more specific action: President Barroso has asked all Commissioners to identify possible initiatives towards the "new" Southern Mediterranean in their respective policy areas and HRVP Ashton and I will put together a Communication on this contribution of Community instruments to be adopted on 16 March, in time for consideration by the European Council.
We are now going through fifteen years of experience of Euro-Mediterranean co-operation. We are reflecting on how we could do more to address long-standing frustrations in essential areas including the most sensitive ones, such as migration, mobility or market access. We are examining how other policy areas such as, for instance, our experience at regional and rural development can be best put to use, in this case to tackle regional inequalities. We are also taking a fresh look at our financing instruments, including the possibility to re-programme funds, make better use of blending facilities including the Neighbourhood Investment Facility, bring in more private sector money for more profitable investments, as well as support partners in facing short-term difficulties with their balance of payments.
In short, we are leaving no stone unturned -and we will also be honest as to what can be done with existing funding, what could be achieved through more loans and blending, and what might require fresh funds. As I mention funding, I would like to salute the determining role of the European Parliament in securing a €1 billion increase in the ceiling of lending that the European Investment Bank can make available to Southern Mediterranean countries.
Mr President, Honourable Members,
I would like to use this opportunity to say a few words on Libya and on migration, which are of course two matters of urgent concern to all of us.
First, Libya. There was a long discussion at the Council on how best to respond to the crisis there. While several of us would have liked to see sanctions decided during the Council and applied even faster, I am pleased that the decision was finally taken today and that we have been able to agree on lists for travel bans and asset freezes reaching even beyond those adopted in the United Nations. I want to salute the exemplary co-operation between the Presidency, the Commission and the External Action Service in achieving this result.
We are giving the absolute priority to the repatriation and the safety of the many European citizens who are still in Libya. HRVP Ashton activated the MIC (Monitoring and Information Centre) on 23 February in order to facilitate the evacuation of EU citizens and maximise the use of transport and other logistical assets. In parallel ECHO has already made €3 million available to tackle the immediate humanitarian needs of refugees fleeing Libya at the Tunisian and Egyptian borders.
In substance, I think it is absolutely clear to all of us that Colonel Gaddafi and the Libyan leadership have reached a point of no-return. The repression they have inflicted on their population had not been seen in Europe's neighbourhood for at least a generation. Beyond our essential humanitarian and consular duties, there can be no more dealing with Libya's government until he and the perpetrators of these acts are gone.
Second, migration. We all know it is not an easy issue. Justice and Home Affairs Ministers already discussed the situation in the Mediterranean region on 24 and 25 February. The Interior Ministers of six EU Mediterranean countries met last week in Rome. Commissioner Malmström has ensured the full mobilisation of European instruments, including Frontex through the Hermes 2011 operation, to deal with the crisis that affected Italy last week and to prepare for all scenarios. I know Cecilia is planning to de-brief the LIBE Committee on this subject tomorrow, in the presence of members of this Committee.
We must take the correct view of these events: they show we will have to strengthen cooperation with North African countries, in line with the EU global approach on migration. Of course, we should ask our partner countries in North Africa to prevent irregular migration and cooperate on return and readmission. The EU will have to develop more ambitious approaches in the field of legal migration of workers, for example in the context of temporary or circular migration. This is a request that has been made to the EU by Tunisia, and it is preferable to manage this type of migration rather than the humanitarian crises stemming from uncontrolled migration. This is another issue on which we will need the full support of this House.
Mister President, Honourable Members,
We are confronted with a historic challenge and it is my conviction, as well as that of President Barroso, HR/VP Ashton and the entire College, that Europe should not fail or remain a spectator in what is happening.
In full co-operation with our Southern partners, we can, we must and we will act swiftly and decisively to help shaping the new Southern Mediterranean. The European Parliament has a great responsibility to ensure that the EU adopts the policies and strengthens the instruments necessary to meet this challenge. We know we can count on your full support.
The toppling of former Presidents Ben Ali and Mubarak by peaceful protests mostly led by young people will remain in history as a symbol of the revival of the Arab world. For several generations, there has been a pervasive feeling of powerlessness in these countries, an alleged and, frankly, rather offensive "Arab exception" towards democracy, and a deep sense of despair watching change, freedom, modernity happening all over the planet.
This has changed irreversibly. Irrespective of any domino effect, it is now clear that all countries in the region, and all authoritarian regimes elsewhere, have to pay much more attention to the democratic aspirations and well-being of their populations.
We should welcome these changes whole-heartedly. They carry the hope of a better life for the people of the region and greater respect for human rights, pluralism, social justice and the fundamental freedoms which are at the core of our values.
Europe has a vital interest in a democratic, stable, prosperous, peaceful North Africa in its immediate neighbourhood. Europe must and will rise to the challenge of supporting democratic transition in North Africa, as it did after the revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989.
Before moving to our response, I would like to say three words of caution.
First, we must show humility about the past. Europe was not vocal enough in defending human rights and local democratic forces in the region. Too many of us fell prey to the assumption that authoritarian regimes were a guarantee of stability in the region. This was not even Realpolitik. It was, at best, short-termism -and the kind of short-termism that makes the long term ever more difficult to build.
I am not saying that everything we did was wrong, rather that Europe, at this particular moment more than ever before, must be faithful to its values and stand on the side of democracy and social justice. The crowds in the streets of Tunis, Cairo and elsewhere have been fighting in the name of our shared values. It is with them, and for them, that we must work today -not with dictators who are, as we speak, spilling the blood of their own people with utter disregard for human life.
Second, we must avoid at all cost a blanket approach to all our Arab and North African neighbours. The uprisings in the region have many causes in common: authoritarian regimes, paralysed political systems, a lack of employment for young graduates, violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. However, each of these countries is different and we will have to adapt our policies accordingly.
We cannot have the same approach towards Tunisia, a small country with a rather homogenous population, a strong middle class and long-standing links with Europe, or towards Libya where tribal links remain highly prevalent: any transition there will therefore have to reflect this element of the social fabric while ensuring inclusiveness.
Third, while we should and will focus on the short-term negative consequences of the changes in the region, we should not lose sight of our long-term interests. Yes, there may be rising irregular migration flows originating from Tunisia, Libya and, to some extent, from Egypt. Yes, there will be a certain political vacuum in the newly democratising countries, including an increased visibility of Islamist parties and, at least in some of them, a worry that they may not want to play by the rules of democracy. Yes, there may be rising oil prices, lost investments and business. Yes, there may be potential civil war and instability in Libya. We know that the forces of change that have been unleashed will not produce stable political systems overnight. Yet, we must weather these risks without losing sight of our long-term common objective: a democratic, stable, prosperous and peaceful North Africa.
So what do we intend to do to contribute to change in the region?
Our first priority is to ensure the success of the democratic transitions in Tunisia and Egypt.
Under the leadership of Catherine Ashton, we have set up task forces to prepare comprehensive support packages for Tunisia and Egypt. We have consulted widely, including Members of this House, academics and non-governmental organisations, and listened to their views on the priorities for these packages. We are currently seeking the inputs of EU Member States. The initial results of our work were discussed at last Monday's Foreign Affairs Council and will be on the agenda of the upcoming March European Council.
In Tunisia, we have announced an immediate assistance package of €17 million for immediate and short-term support to the democratic transition and assistance to inland impoverished areas. This entails support for the preparation of democratic elections and for NGOs, which is crucial for the consolidation of the democratic process. We are also supporting the work of the three commissions established in January, for which teams of experts are already on the ground.
These are only first and modest steps. We are now reviewing our existing co-operation programmes with a view to better taking into account the needs of the new emerging Tunisia. We are also ready to resume negotiations on the strengthening of bilateral relations with Tunisia ("statut avancé"). We hope to be able to conclude these after the upcoming elections, with a democratically elected government. We still need more thorough discussions with the Tunisians on what they need and how we can most efficiently provide our support.
For Egypt, it is still premature to announce a support package for democratic transformation. The Egyptian authorities have engaged in internal discussions on how the international community can be best supporting the democratic transformation and socio-economic needs.
As HR/VP Ashton announced in her visit to Cairo last week, the EU is ready to help as soon as Egypt is ready. We will not dictate outcomes. We will not impose solutions. This is a country where we already have comprehensive programmes supporting socio-economic reforms and human rights, good governance and democratisation. We can go much farther in the new political environment but they constitute a good basis to build on.
Based on collective demands emanating not only from the interim leadership but also from opposition parties, civil society and youth, we will revise, review and adapt our on-going support to optimise our response to Egypt's democratic transformation and to increased socio-economic justice.
Catherine Ashton and I told the Council that we believe the EU should assume leadership in coordinating the international community's response to the historic events in Tunisia and Egypt. We need to avoid overlap and maximise collective impact. This will require strengthening co-ordination within the EU, particularly with and among Member States, as well as with our main international partners. This is why we organised last week a conference in Brussels with key international institutions and actors such as the World Bank, the European Investment Bank or the Council of Europe, to mobilise all possible instruments in support of the democratic transition of these two countries. We intend to have later on a Ministerial conference. In parallel, we will support the international conference to be organised by the Tunisian authorities in Carthage, most probably in March.
These steps of immediate support to Tunisia and Egypt are essential but they should only be part of our response. It is crystal clear to us that we need to reflect on our entire approach towards the Southern Mediterranean and seek to adapt all our policies and instruments to what is happening in the region.
There is, of course, a strong link with the ongoing review of the European Neighbourhood Policy, on which I have addressed this Committee several times and I will not expand now. The Commission held an orientation debate on the ENP last week to prepare our work for the Communication on 20 April. I trust you will find in our new approach the level of ambition and commitment that you have consistently called for, particularly as regards stronger partnership with societies, greater differentiation, and being ready to go farther with our neighbours implementing ambitious political and economic reforms.
We see, however, a need for faster and more specific action: President Barroso has asked all Commissioners to identify possible initiatives towards the "new" Southern Mediterranean in their respective policy areas and HRVP Ashton and I will put together a Communication on this contribution of Community instruments to be adopted on 16 March, in time for consideration by the European Council.
We are now going through fifteen years of experience of Euro-Mediterranean co-operation. We are reflecting on how we could do more to address long-standing frustrations in essential areas including the most sensitive ones, such as migration, mobility or market access. We are examining how other policy areas such as, for instance, our experience at regional and rural development can be best put to use, in this case to tackle regional inequalities. We are also taking a fresh look at our financing instruments, including the possibility to re-programme funds, make better use of blending facilities including the Neighbourhood Investment Facility, bring in more private sector money for more profitable investments, as well as support partners in facing short-term difficulties with their balance of payments.
In short, we are leaving no stone unturned -and we will also be honest as to what can be done with existing funding, what could be achieved through more loans and blending, and what might require fresh funds. As I mention funding, I would like to salute the determining role of the European Parliament in securing a €1 billion increase in the ceiling of lending that the European Investment Bank can make available to Southern Mediterranean countries.
Mr President, Honourable Members,
I would like to use this opportunity to say a few words on Libya and on migration, which are of course two matters of urgent concern to all of us.
First, Libya. There was a long discussion at the Council on how best to respond to the crisis there. While several of us would have liked to see sanctions decided during the Council and applied even faster, I am pleased that the decision was finally taken today and that we have been able to agree on lists for travel bans and asset freezes reaching even beyond those adopted in the United Nations. I want to salute the exemplary co-operation between the Presidency, the Commission and the External Action Service in achieving this result.
We are giving the absolute priority to the repatriation and the safety of the many European citizens who are still in Libya. HRVP Ashton activated the MIC (Monitoring and Information Centre) on 23 February in order to facilitate the evacuation of EU citizens and maximise the use of transport and other logistical assets. In parallel ECHO has already made €3 million available to tackle the immediate humanitarian needs of refugees fleeing Libya at the Tunisian and Egyptian borders.
In substance, I think it is absolutely clear to all of us that Colonel Gaddafi and the Libyan leadership have reached a point of no-return. The repression they have inflicted on their population had not been seen in Europe's neighbourhood for at least a generation. Beyond our essential humanitarian and consular duties, there can be no more dealing with Libya's government until he and the perpetrators of these acts are gone.
Second, migration. We all know it is not an easy issue. Justice and Home Affairs Ministers already discussed the situation in the Mediterranean region on 24 and 25 February. The Interior Ministers of six EU Mediterranean countries met last week in Rome. Commissioner Malmström has ensured the full mobilisation of European instruments, including Frontex through the Hermes 2011 operation, to deal with the crisis that affected Italy last week and to prepare for all scenarios. I know Cecilia is planning to de-brief the LIBE Committee on this subject tomorrow, in the presence of members of this Committee.
We must take the correct view of these events: they show we will have to strengthen cooperation with North African countries, in line with the EU global approach on migration. Of course, we should ask our partner countries in North Africa to prevent irregular migration and cooperate on return and readmission. The EU will have to develop more ambitious approaches in the field of legal migration of workers, for example in the context of temporary or circular migration. This is a request that has been made to the EU by Tunisia, and it is preferable to manage this type of migration rather than the humanitarian crises stemming from uncontrolled migration. This is another issue on which we will need the full support of this House.
Mister President, Honourable Members,
We are confronted with a historic challenge and it is my conviction, as well as that of President Barroso, HR/VP Ashton and the entire College, that Europe should not fail or remain a spectator in what is happening.
In full co-operation with our Southern partners, we can, we must and we will act swiftly and decisively to help shaping the new Southern Mediterranean. The European Parliament has a great responsibility to ensure that the EU adopts the policies and strengthens the instruments necessary to meet this challenge. We know we can count on your full support.
HOTUBA YA RAIS WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA, MHESHIMIWA JAKAYA MRISHO KIKWETE, KWA WANANCHI, 28 FEBRUARI, 2011
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Kama ilivyo ada naomba kuanza kwa kumshukuru Mwenyezi Mungu, mwingi wa rehma kwa kutujaalia fursa nyingine ya kuzungumza kwa kutumia utaratibu tuliojiwekea wa kila mwisho wa mwezi. Leo nina mambo matano ambayo ningependa kuyazungumzia.
Milipuko ya Mabomu Gongolamboto
Ndugu Wananchi;
Jambo la kwanza ni lile tukio la usiku wa tarehe 17 Februari, 2011 la milipuko ya mabomu iliyotokea katika ghala kuu la Jeshi la Ulinzi la Wananchi wa Tanzania lililoko Gongolamboto, Dar es Salaam. *Pamoja na kuharibu majengo mengi yanayohifadhi zana na vifaa muhimu vya Jeshi letu, milipuko hiyo imesababisha vifo vya Watanzania wenzetu 25 na wengine 512 kujeruhiwa. *Aidha, mali na nyumba kadhaa za raia zimeharibiwa kwa viwango mbalimbali. * *
Siku iliyofuata Baraza la Usalama la Taifa lilikutana kujadili tukio hilo na kuagiza hatua mbalimbali za kuchukuliwa kushughulikia athari za maafa hayo. *Mara baada ya kikao hicho nililitangazia taifa maamuzi tuliyofanya. *Napenda kutumia nafasi hii kutoa pongezi maalum kwa Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu hususan Kitengo cha Maafa, Ofisi ya Mkuu wa Mkoa wa Dar es Salaam, Madaktari na Wauguzi wa Hospitali za Amana, Temeke na Muhimbili na nyinginezo pamoja *na Jeshi la Ulinzi la Wananchi wa Tanzania kwa kazi kubwa na nzuri ya kutekeleza maagizo ya Baraza la Usalama la Taifa.
Maiti wote 25 wameshazikwa kwa gharama ya Serikali kule ambako ndugu waliamua wakazikwe. *Kwa ajili hiyo maiti 10 wamezikwa Dar es Salaam na wengineo mikoani kama ifuatavyo:- Mara - wanne, Pwani – watatu, *Tanga - *wawili, Lindi – mmoja, Kagera - *mmoja, Kilimanjaro – mmoja, Mbeya – mmoja na Mtwara – mmoja. *Majeruhi wameendelea kupatiwa matibabu na huduma stahili. *Mpaka sasa kuna majeruhi 36 ambao bado wamelazwa katika hospitali za Amana, Temeke na Muhimbili. *Watoto 857 waliopotezana na wazazi wao wameshaunganishwa na familia zao. *Hata hivyo, watoto 15 bado hawajatambuliwa na wazazi au walezi wao. *Kwa sasa watoto hao wamepelekwa kwenye kituo cha kulelea watoto cha Kurasini. *Napenda kuwakumbusha wazazi waliopotelewa na watoto kufika kituoni hapo kuwatambua watoto wao. *Ni jambo la kustaajabisha kwamba zaidi ya siku kumi sasa zimepita wazazi au walezi hawajajitokeza kutafuta watoto wao.
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Ndugu Wananchi,
Ndugu zetu 539 katika kaya 115 hawana makazi kutokana na nyumba zao kuharibiwa na mabomu. *Wamepewa hifadhi ya mahema yaliyojengwa pembeni mwa makazi yao. *Aidha, wamepatiwa mavazi, magodoro, mashuka na mablanketi. *Kadhalika wanapatiwa huduma za chakula, maji na mengineyo. *Pamoja na mchango wa Serikali, wapo watu na mashirika mbalimbali yaliyotoa michango mbalimbali kusaidia waathirika hao. *Napenda kuchukua nafasi hii kutoa shukrani nyingi sana kwa moyo wao wa upendo, ukarimu na huruma kwa ndugu zetu hao ambao kwa sasa wanaishi katika mazingira magumu yasiyotarajiwa. *Inshaalah Mola atawalipa maradufu kila mlichopunguza. *Narudia tena uamuzi na ahadi ya Serikali ya kuendelea kuwahudumia mpaka hapo watakapofidiwa kwa uharibifu wa nyumba zao na mali zao. *
Ndugu Wananchi;
Utekelezaji wa agizo la *kutambua na kufanya tathmini ya nyumba zilizoharibiwa unaendelea kufanywa kwa nia ya kuwafidia ipasavyo. *Kwa upande wa fidia tumeamua kuwa Serikali ibebe jukumu la kujenga upya nyumba hizo kwa mujibu wa kiwango cha uharibifu. *Nimeagiza Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa lifanye kazi hiyo kupitia Shirika lake la Uchumi. *Nimeamua hivyo ili kuhakikisha kuwa maisha ya ndugu zetu waliokumbwa na maafa haya yanarejea kuwa ya kawaida mapema iwezekanavyo. *Aidha, nimeagiza Wizara ya Ulinzi na Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa ishirikiane na Ofisi ya Mkuu wa Mkoa wa Dar es Salaam na Kitengo cha Taifa cha Maafa kuhakikisha kuwa utekelezaji unaanza mapema iwezekanavyo. *
Ndugu Wananchi,
Jeshi la Ulinzi la Wananchi lilipewa kazi kubwa tatu. *Kwanza, madaktari na wauguzi wa Jeshi washiriki katika kusaidia kutoa huduma kwa wananchi waliojeruhiwa. *Nafurahi na kupongeza kwamba jambo hili limetekelezwa vizuri. *APili, kuokota na kukusanya mabomu ambayo hayakulipuka na vipande vipande vya mabomu yaliyolipuka kutoka maeneo wanayoishi raia. *Kazi hiyo nayo imefanyika na inaendelea kufanyika. *Mpaka tarehe 25 Februari, 2011, Wanajeshi wamekusanya zaidi ya mabomu na vipande 3,013. *Yapo maombi ya wananchi kuwa kasi ya ukusanyaji iongezwe, ujumbe huo umeshafikishwa kwa viongozi wa Jeshi.
Ndugu Wananchi;
Jukumu la tatu ambalo ni wajibu wao kufanya, ni kuhakikisha kuwa uchunguzi wa kina unafanywa kuhusu chanzo cha milipuko hiyo. *Nimearifiwa na Mkuu wa Majeshi kuwa Bodi ya Uchunguzi imekwishaundwa. *Wakati huo huo lile agizo la Baraza la Usalama kuwa wataalamu wa nchi za nje nao washirikiswe katika uchunguzi limetekelezwa. *Serikali ya Marekani imetoa wataalamu kutoka Jeshi lake kusaidia katika uchunguzi. *Ni imani yangu kuwa uchunguzi wa makundi haya mawili kila moja kwa wakati wake huenda utasaidia kupata ukweli. *Napenda kutumia nafasi hii kuwasihi Watanzania wenzangu kuwa na subira na kuacha tabia za kueneza uvumi kwenye vijiwe vya kahawa na kwenye vikao vya kinywaji *kuhusu chanzo cha milipuko hiyo. *Wakati mwingine watu wanageuza dhana zao kuwa ndiyo ukweli na kupotosha au hata kuwatia watu hofu. *Wataalamu wamekwishafika, ukweli wenyewe utajulikana baada ya muda si mrefu.
Hali ya Chakula Nchini
Ndugu wananchi;
Jambo la pili ninalotaka kulisemea ni hali ya chakula nchini. *Kwa ujumla hali ya upatikanaji wa chakula nchini katika maeneo mengi ni ya kuridhisha isipokuwa katika maeneo machache. *Taarifa ya Wizara ya Kilimo, Chakula na Ushirika inaonyesha kwamba kuna akiba ya kutosha ya chakula katika maghala ya Serikali, ya wafanyabiashara wakubwa na katika maghala ya wakulima mashambani. *Maghala ya Wakala wa Taifa wa Hifadhi ya Chakula yana tani 216,012 za mahindi na mpunga, nafaka ambazo zinatuhakikishia kuwa upungufu wowote wa chakula tutaukabili bila matatizo. *Kiasi hicho ndicho kikubwa kuliko chote kilichowahi kuhifadhiwa tangu hifadhi hiyo kuanzishwa na shabaha yetu ni kufikia tani 400,000 ifikapo mwaka 2015.
Ndugu wananchi;
Katika baadhi ya maeneo nchini kumeanza kujitokeza matatizo ya upungufu wa chakula kuanzia mwezi Januari 2011. Mengi ya maeneo hayo ni yale yanayopata mvua za vuli ambazo bahati mbaya hazikuwa nzuri. *Imetambuliwa kuwa katika Halmashauri 36 za mikoa ya Arusha, Kilimanjaro, Manyara, Morogoro, Mwanza, Shinyanga, Mara, Tabora, Singida, Dodoma, Lindi, Mtwara na Iringa ndiko kwenye maeneo mengi yenye upungufu mkubwa.
Tayari Serikali imeidhinisha kutolewa kwa jumla ya tani 13,760 za chakula kutoka Akiba ya Taifa ya Chakula (NFRA) kwa ajili ya kuhudumia watu 423,530 walioathiriwa na upungufu wa chakula katika maeneo hayo. Kazi ya usambazaji inaendelea. *Hadi sasa jumla ya tani 4,822 za chakula cha msaada kimekwishatolewa katika mikoa ya Arusha, Iringa, Morogoro na Lindi. *Napenda kuwathibitishia kuwa tutafanya kila tuwezalo kuhakikisha kuwa hakuna Mtanzania atakayekufa kwa njaa. Tutawahudumia ipasavyo hawa waliokwishatambulika na wengineo watakaojitokeza siku za usoni. * *
Ndugu Wananchi;
Kwa sababu ya kukosekana kwa mvua za vuli na mvua kuwa pungufu katika maeneo mengine, mwelekeo wa hali ya upatikanaji wa chakula siyo mzuri sana. *Tayari kiasi cha chakula kinachoingia kwenye masoko ya mijini si kingi kama ilivyokuwa siku za nyuma. *Hii imekuwa kiini cha bei za vyakula kupanda katika masoko ya mijini. *Hivi sasa matumaini yetu yapo kwa Mwenyezi Mungu kujaalia mvua za masika ziwe nzuri. *Kama hilo halitatokea nchi yetu itakumbwa na tatizo kubwa la upungufu wa chakula na bei za vyakula kuwa kubwa zaidi. *Tutajipanga ipasavyo kukabiliana na hali hiyo ili kunusuru maisha ya Watanzania. *Ili kupunguza makali ya bei ya vyakula nimeagiza akiba ya taifa itumike kwa kuwauzia wafanyabiashara ya chakula mijini.
Ongezeko la Bei ya Sukari
Ndugu Wananchi;
*Jambo la tatu ni bei ya Sukari. *Hivi karibuni bei ya sukari nchini imekuwa ikipanda kwa kasi kubwa na katika baadhi ya maeneo nchini bei ya sukari ilifika zaidi ya shilingi 2,200 kwa kilo. *Nilimuomba Waziri Mkuu kufuatilia kwa karibu tatizo hilo na amefanya hivyo. *Alikutana na wadau wote wakiwemo wazalishaji na wasambazaji wa sukari nchini. *Kilichobainika ni kuwa bei ya sukari ilipanda sana kwa sababu ya kuwepo upungufu wa sukari katika soko. *Upungufu wa sukari katika soko ulikuwa umesababishwa na sukari iliyokuwepo katika maghala ya viwanda vya sukari na ya wafanyabiashara wakubwa wa sukari kutofikishwa kwa wingi madukani kwa hofu ambazo hazikuwa na msingi. *Aidha, mahusiano mabaya kati ya wazalishaji na wafanyabiashara wakubwa wa sukari ilikuwa sababu kubwa. *Wenye viwanda wakawa wanatoa kiasi kidogo kuliko wafanyabiashara walichokuwa wanaagiza. *Kwa upande wao wafanyabiashara wakubwa nao wakawa wanasambaza kiasi kidogo kidogo kwa madai kuwa wasijekuishiwa kabisa na bidhaa hiyo.
Katika mazungumzo hayo ilibainika kuwa viwanda na wafanyabiashara wakubwa wanayo sukari ya kutosheleza mahitaji mpaka mwezi Mei, 2011. *Kutakuwa na uhaba katika miezi ya Mei na Juni kutokana na ukweli kwamba viwanda vya sukari nchini husimamisha uzalishaji kuanzia mwezi Februari hadi Mei kila mwaka. *Hiki ni kipindi cha mvua nyingi, miwa hunyonya maji mengi hivyo huwa haitoi sukari nyingi. *Wenye viwanda hutumia muda huo kusimamisha uzalishaji na kufanya matengenezo ya mitambo. *
Ndugu Wananchi;
Waziri Mkuu aliagiza sukari yote iliyoko katika maghala itoke mara moja na kufikishwa katika soko ili watu waipate tena kwa bei nafuu. *Katika mazungumzo ya pamoja na wadau, ilikubalika kabisa kuwa hata kwa maeneo yaliyo mbali na viwanda vya sukari bei haiwezi kuzidi shilingi 1,700/= kwa kilo. *Atakayeuza kwa bei kubwa zaidi ya hiyo anadhulumu, taarifa zitolewe ili hatua za kinidhamu na kisheria zichukuliwe, ikiwa ni pamoja na uwezekano wa kufutiwa leseni ya biashara. *
Ndugu Wananchi;
Kwa ajili ya kuziba pengo la miezi ya Mei na Juni kibali kimetolewa cha kuagiza tani 50,000 za sukari kutoka nje ya nchi. *Tunatarajia kupata tani 12,500 kutoka nchi za Afrika Mashariki na tani 37,500 zitatoka nje ya Afrika ya Mashariki. *Bahati mbaya sana kuna upungufu mkubwa sana wa sukari duniani, hivyo bei imepanda kuliko wakati wowote katika miaka ya hivi karibuni. *Tani moja ya sukari inauzwa kwa dola za Marekani 900 ikilinganshwa na dola za Marekani 500 mwaka 2009. *Hivyo, sukari itakayoingizwa wakati huo itakuwa na bei kubwa. *Kwa nia ya kuzifanya bei ziwe chini na kuwapa watumiaji nafuu, sukari hiyo haitatozwa ushuru wa forodha. *Tutafanya hivyo pia kwa vyakula vyote muhimu tutakavyolazimika kuagiza kutoka nje kwa sababu ya uhaba wa mvua uliokumba maeneo mengi hapa nchini. *
Hali ya Umeme
Ndugu wananchi,
Jambo la nne ni hali ya umeme. *Kama mnavyofahamu, hali ya upatikanaji wa umeme nchini ni mbaya. *Chanzo cha matatizo ni kupungua sana kwa maji katika Bwawa kubwa la Mtera. * *Hadi jana kina cha Bwawa hilo kimeshuka hadi kufikia mita 691.25 ambacho ni pungufu kwa mita 7. *Kwa sasa zimebaki *mita 1.25 tu juu ya kiwango cha chini kinachoruhusiwa kuendesha mitambo ya kuzalisha umeme.
Tarehe 15 Februari, 2011, Baraza la Mawaziri lilijadili na kuidhinisha mpango wa dharura wa TANESCO wa kukodi mitambo ya kuzalisha MW 260 za umeme. *Baraza limeitaka Bodi na Menejimenti ya TANESCO kuhakikisha kuwa mchakato huo unakamilika mapema iwezekanavyo ili kupunguza makali na athari za ukosefu mkubwa wa umeme kwa jamii na uchumi wa nchi. *Aidha, imesisitizwa kuwa pamoja na udharura uliokuwepo sheria na taratibu za manunuzi ya umma vizingatiwe. *Pia, wahakikishe kuwa mkataba wataoingia uwe ni wenye maslahi kwa taifa. * Vile vile, watoa huduma wawe ni makampuni yanayofahamika na yenye sifa stahiki na kuaminika.
Natambua kuwa Bodi na Mejemienti ya Shirika la Umeme, wanaendelea na mchakato wa kupata umeme huo wa dharura kati ya sasa na Julai, 2011.
Ndugu Wananchi;
Tulipopata tatizo kama hili mwaka 2006/2007 tuliamua kuwa tuanze safari ya kupunguza kutegemea mno umeme wa nguvu ya maji kwa kuongeza matumizi ya vyanzo vingine vya nishati. *Mpango umetengenezwa na utekelezaji wake unaendelea. *Tayari umeme wa MW 145 wa kutokana na gesi asilia umeongezwa kwa kugharamiwa na Serikali. Aidha, mwisho wa mwaka huu MW 160 zitaongezeka yaani MW 100 Dar es Salaam na MW 60 Mwanza kwa gharama za Serikali.
Bahati mbaya kutokana na matatizo ya fedha ya kimataifa, wawekezaji wa sekta binafsi wa kuzalisha MW 300 za umeme wa gesi asilia pale Mtwara walijiondoa. *Umeme huo ungekuwa tayari umeshaingizwa katika gridi ya taifa hivi sasa na kuondoa tatizo la sasa. *Wawekezaji wengine wamepatikana na mazungumzo yanaendelea vizuri. *Mradi wa Kiwira umecheleweshwa na mchakato wa kubadili milki na kupata mkopo wa dola za Marekani 400 milioni za kuwezesha ujenzi wa kituo cha kuzalisha MW 200. *Suala la kubadili milki limefikia ukingoni na mchakato wa kupata mkopo unaendelea kwa matumaini. *
Ndugu Wananchi;
Waswahili wana msemo usemao “jitihada za mwanadamu hazishindi kudra ya Mwenyezi Mungu”. *Bahati mbaya sana tatizo la ukame limetukuta tena wakati mipango hiyo haijakamilika. *Miaka miwili ijayo hali itakuwa tofauti sana kwani miradi hii na mingine kadhaa itakuwa imekamilika na kulihakikishia taifa uhakika wa umeme.
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Naomba ndugu zangu muelewe kuwa miradi hii huchukua muda kukamilika. *Mitambo huchukua muda kutengenezwa na ujenzi wa kituo nao pia. *Ingekuwa ni mitambo ya kununua tu dukani tungefanya hivyo na kulimaliza mara moja tatizo hili. *Tena lingeisha zamani na wala sisi tusingelikuta. *Subira yavuta heri.
Hali ya Usalama Nchini
Ndugu Wananchi;
Hivi karibuni wananchi wengi wameingiwa na hofu kubwa kuhusu usalama wa nchi yetu. *Ni mara ya kwanza Watanzania wamekuwa hivyo. *Hofu hiyo inatokana na kauli na vitendo vya wenzetu wa CHADEMA vyenye dhamira ya kutaka kuleta machafuko makubwa na uvunjifu wa amani nchini. *Kufanya maandamano na mikutano ni haki ya msingi ya vyama vya siasa na raia. *Lakini, kuigeuza fursa hiyo kuwa ni jukwaa la kuchochea ghasia na kwa nia ya kuiondoa Serikali iliyoko madarakani kwa mabavu ni matumizi mabaya ya fursa hiyo.
Nchi yetu ni ya kidemokrasia na kila miaka mitano tunafanya uchaguzi wa kuchagua viongozi wetu. *Uchaguzi wa mwisho tumefanya tarehe 31 Oktoba, 2010. *Kabla ya hapo tulikuwa na kampeni zilizochukua karibu miezi mwili na nusu. *Kila chama kilielezea jinsi kitakavyokabiliana na matatizo yanayowakabili wananchi wa nchi yetu ikiwa ni pamoja na haya wanayoyazungumza sasa. *Hatimaye siku ya uchaguzi wananchi walifanya uamuzi wa kuchagua chama walichokiamini, nacho ni Chama cha Mapinduzi. *Iweje leo, miezi mitatu baadae kwa mtu au chama cha siasa kufanya maandamano kwa masuala yale yale waliyoyasema kwenye kampeni. *Siyo sawa hata kidogo. *Kuchochea ghasia ati kwa nia ya kuiondoa Serikali madarakani ni kinyume cha Katiba na ni kuiingiza nchi katika mgogoro usiokuwa wa lazima. *Tutasababisha umwagaji wa damu, watu kupoteza maisha na mali zao kuharibiwa bila sababu yoyote ya msingi.
Ndugu Wananchi;
Katika nchi ya kidemokrasia na kwa wanademokrasia wa kweli, mnapomaliza uchaguzi mmoja, mnajiandaa kwa uchaguzi mwingine. *Mnajenga upya chama chenu, mnaongeza wanachama, mnaboresha sera na hoja zenu pamoja na namna ya kuziwasilisha ili watu wawakubali nyinyi na kuwakataa wenzenu. *Na, uwanja muhimu wa kufanya sehemu kubwa ya hayo ni katika Bunge na Halmashauri za wilaya kupitia Wabunge na Madiwani wenu.
Kuacha kufanya hivyo na badala yake kuamua kuzunguka nchi nzima na kuchochea ghasia kwa lengo la kuwaondoa walioshinda ili muingie nyie ni kinyume kabisa na misingi ya demokrasia. *Tutajenga misingi ya hovyo na nchi yetu itakosa amani na utulivu daima. *Hebu fikirieni, kama kila atakayeshindwa uchaguzi anafanya hivyo tutakuwa nchi ya namna gani? *Tanzania yetu hii yenye sifa na heshima ya kuwa nchi ya amani na utulivu itapoteza kabisa sifa hiyo na badala yake umwagaji wa damu na mateso kwa watu wasiokuwa na hatia vitageuka kuwa maisha ya kawaida. *Hatuitendei haki nchi yetu na hatuwatendei hai wananchi tunaodai tunawapenda na kuwatetea.
Ndugu Zangu, Watanzania Wenzangu;
Ndugu zetu wa CHADEMA wanayajua yote haya, lakini wanalo lao jambo. *Wanataka kuipeleka nchi yetu pabaya kwa kukidhi uchu wao wa madaraka. *Kwao sasa demokrasia haina maana, inaweza kusubiri. *Wanataka kutumia mabavu. *Naomba *tuyakatae mambo yao. *Tusiwafuate. *Waambieni mchezo wao ni hatari na ni mauti yetu. *Sisi katika Serikali tutajitahidi kutimiza wajibu wetu wa kulinda usalama wa nchi yetu, watu wake na mali zao.
Ndugu Zangu, Watanzania Wenzangu;
Ni kweli kuna hali ngumu ya maisha, na kukabiliana nayo ndiyo kazi tunayoendelea nayo kufanya kila siku. *Tumeelekeza nguvu zetu na rasilimali zetu huko na mafanikio yanaonekana katika nyanja mbalimbali na maeneo mbalimbali. *Kikwazo siyo upungufu wa sera wala dhamira, kikwazo kikubwa ni kiwango cha maendeleo madogo ya uchumi wetu na hivyo uwezo wetu siyo mkubwa wa kuyakabili na kuyamaliza matatizo yote haraka kama ambavyo tunapenda iwe.
Ndugu Zangu;
Hayo si matatizo ya kumalizika ndani ya siku tisa. Mzee Nyerere aliongoza kwa miaka 23 na hakuyamaliza matatizo ya maendeleo ya nchi hii. *Na wale wa umri wangu au kunizidi wanakumbuka hali ilivyokuwa wakati anang’atuka. Hakuacha nchi ikiwa tajiri. *Mzee Mwinyi kakaa miaka 10 hakuyamaliza, Mzee Mkapa nae kakaa miaka 10 hakuyamaliza. *Mie nimekaa miaka mitano hayakwisha na nitamaliza mitano hayataisha yote. *Lililo muhimu kuliko yote ni kuwa katika kila awamu nchi yetu imekuwa inapiga hatua ya kusonga mbele katika kujiletea maendeleo. *Hali iliyokuwa wakati ule sivyo ilivyokuwa mwaka 1985, wala 1995 au 2005 na ilivyo sasa. *Katika miaka mitano hii kuna maendeleo yanayoonekana wazi, pamoja na changamoto nyingi tumefanya juhudi kubwa na mafanikio yanaonekana katika nyanja zote za maisha ya Watanzania. Mwenye macho haambiwi tazama.
Lakini, pia ni muhimu watu kutambua ukweli kwamba uchumi kama wetu ambao haujajenga uwezo wake wa ndani wa kujitosheleza kwa mahitaji yake, huathirika sana nay ale yanayotokea katika uchumi wa dunia. *Unapoyumba na sisi tunayumba. *Bei za mafuta katika soko la dunia zikipanda na kwetu kupitia gharama za uchukuzi na uzalishaji huongezeka na kusababisha bei za bidhaa kupanda. *Mfumuko wa bei ukipanda China, nguo na bidhaa tunazonunua kutoka China hupanda bei. *Hivi sasa mataifa yote makubwa tunakonunua bidhaa mfumuko wa bei umepanda na sisi tunaathirika. *Mvua ikikosekana kunakuwa na uhaba wa chakula, bei za vyakula hupanda na watu wengine hukosa chakula. *Lawama kwa Serikali au Rais Kikwete inaanzia wapi? *Hata kwa matatizo yote hayo na mengine tumekuwa tunatafuta nafuu kwa kiwango tunachoweza. *Aghalabu, hutoa nafuu ya kodi kama tulivyofanya kwa sukari na tulivyowahi kufanya kwa saruji na kadhalika. * Tutaendelea kufanya hivyo inapobidi.
Mwisho
Ndugu Wananchi,
Naomba nimalizie kwa kuwashukuru wananchi kwa kuwa wavumilivu kwa kipindi chote hiki, nawaomba muendelee kuiunga mkono Serikali yenu. Tuendelee kuchapa kazi kwa bidii kuijenga na kuiendeleza nchi yetu na vile vile tuendelee kuithamini na kuitunza amani ya nchi yetu.
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Mungu Ibariki Afrika!
Mungu Ibariki Tanzania!
Asanteni sana kwa kunisikiliza!
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